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Miklos Gimes

Miklos Gimes



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Miklos Gimes was born in Hungary in 1917. A journalist, Gimes worked for many years as the foreign correspondent of the Hungarian Communist Party journal, Szabad Nep. Later he worked for Magyar Nemzet and became a close associate of Imre Nagy.

During the Hungarian Uprising he supported the reformers and edited the newspaper, Oktober Huszonharmadika. Gimes was arrested and was tried and executed with Imre Nagy in 1958.


Hungary Gives Patriot’s Burial to Martyr Nagy

Thirty-one years after he was hanged as a traitor to communism, Imre Nagy, premier for 13 dramatic days during the 1956 Hungarian revolt, was given a patriot’s burial here Friday.

A crowd of perhaps 100,000 flocked to Heroes Square, not only to pay tribute to Nagy and other martyrs of the only full-blown armed rebellion against communism since the division of Europe, but to mark what one speaker called “the border between two great epochs.”

Until a little more than a year ago, the name of Nagy and other figures associated with the revolt were taboo to the Communist authorities who took over after Nagy was deposed by Soviet tanks. But Hungary is now embarked on some of the same reforms, including a multi-party system, that Nagy envisioned.

“We want this day to begin work toward a new world to realize the aims that these people died for,” said Imre Mecs, a longtime dissident who, himself, had been sentenced to death by a Communist court after the 1956 revolt. “We want a free, independent and sovereign Hungary.”

The crowd ranged from children to the elderly and sometimes tearful men and women who remembered vividly the tumultuous days of October, 1956, when secret policemen were hanged from lampposts and Soviet tanks on Budapest’s squares blasted away at suspected rebel strongholds.

The throng was solemn throughout the proceedings, bursting into prolonged applause for only one of a parade of speakers, Viktor Orban, a student leader who declared, “The Communists took away our future.”

He drew still more applause when he added, “A lot of politicians are saying now they are the inheritors of Imre Nagy’s inspiration. Two years ago, they were blaming him for counterrevolution. Today, they want to touch his coffin as a talisman.”

By and large, however, the Communist officials of Hungary realized that this was not their day, and kept clear of the proceedings. Premier Miklos Nemeth and Parliament Speaker Matyas Szuros attended the Heroes Square ceremonies and laid a wreath before six coffins arrayed against a white backdrop on the steps of the national museum. But not even Nemeth, one of the government’s leading reformers, was invited to speak.

‘The Unknown Revolutionary’

In the coffins were the remains of Nagy and four associates--his chief of staff, Jozsef Szilagyi defense minister Pal Maleter journalist Miklos Gimes and minister of state Geza Losonczy. The sixth coffin was empty, a symbol to represent “the unknown revolutionary.”

Nagy and his associates had been buried in unmarked graves in Plot 301 of the sprawling Kozma Street Cemetery in Budapest. Until recently, the plot had been allowed to go untended, with even its exact location an official secret. However, dissidents and Nagy’s family located the graves years ago.

Nagy had served as Hungary’s premier from 1953 to 1955, but his reformist notions, including a multi-party system and an end to one-sided economic arrangements with the Soviet Union, led to his replacement. He was called back to office, however, on the second day of the 1956 rebellion.

Less than two weeks later, after he announced that Hungary was withdrawing from the Warsaw Pact, Soviet tanks invaded Budapest, putting down the revolt in two days. At Soviet direction, Nagy was replaced by Janos Kadar, who held power here until May, 1988.

Kadar’s replacement by Karoly Grosz and a team of reformers triggered an official re-evaluation of the 1956 events, and a special Communist Party subcommittee on history set out to decide whether the revolt should be redefined as a “popular uprising” rather than a “counterrevolution” as the Communists had designated it officially for 32 years.

This raised pressure for a re-evaluation of Nagy, long a hero to Hungarian dissidents and opposition groups. Still more pressure was added by a decision to allow the re-emergence of political parties, which are now preparing for the first postwar, multi-party elections, probably early next year.

Although Grosz himself has said he does not believe that Nagy should be “rehabilitated,” he said the party would review its position if new facts emerged.

The Hungarian government, as opposed to the Communist Party, has been more forthcoming. On Wednesday, the government, in the most outspoken official statement on the issue, declared that Nagy was a “prominent statesman” and said that “the ideas of democratic humanitarian and national-minded endeavors of Imre Nagy and his followers are major constituents of the present government policy.”

However, Nagy’s daughter, Erzsebet, may have reflected the views of most Hungarians when she said she does not consider the Communist Party worthy of rehabilitating her father. “I am not even asking this party to do it,” she said on the day her father’s unmarked grave was opened.

Certainly there was little good will to be expended on the Communists among the crowd at Heroes Square or among the mourners following the funeral procession to the Kozma Street Cemetery where Nagy was reburied in the same grave he had occupied for 31 years.

A 75-year-old retired steel worker, clutching a red carnation and a handful of newspapers memorializing Nagy, began weeping when he spoke of 1956.

“I was in the streets,” he said. “I was there. I was arrested. I was beaten up. Now this. We have waited for such a long time. The Russians have been running us for 30 years. Thirty years! And Kadar has taken all the money and put it into his pocket.”

Trembling, the man wiped at his tears with a wadded handkerchief. His friend, a retired miner, steadied him with an arm around his shoulders.

“We want change,” the second man said, “but we want to be safe and secure. We have our history to teach us. That’s why we have mixed feelings about this day. Every time we celebrate something, we lose.”

While many in the crowd said they felt the memorial service marked a “turning point” or a “break with the past” in Hungarian political history, there were also many who said they felt apprehension about the future.

“This is all new,” said Dr. Akos Kiss, wearing the armband and lapel pin of the Hungarian Democratic Forum, one of the emerging political parties. “What is going on here, and in Poland, has never been attempted in this way. It is communism in retreat, but no one can say if the retreat will go smoothly.”

While the changes may not go smoothly, particularly in the economy, the newly awakened spirit of public discourse would seem difficult to reverse. On the streets Friday, hawkers sold poster portraits of Imre Nagy and accounts of the 1956 rebellion that would have been banned two years ago. Souvenir salesmen did a brisk business peddling lapel pins depicting the crown of St. Stephen, a badge of nationalist independence and an anti-Communist symbol.

Hungarian newspapers put out special editions and television replayed lengthy documentaries on Nagy’s life, including his trial, recently described by the state’s public prosecutor as a sham proceeding that “gravely and repeatedly violated the rules of criminal procedure.”

But the new openness inspired little faith Friday among Nagy’s old allies and the dissidents who have rallied around the symbol that his name represents.

“Over the last 30 years, the truth of Hungarian history could not be spoken,” said one speaker before Nagy’s coffin was once again lowered into the ground. “It has been a constant fight for freedom in our country, and it is the great tradition of our country that will not die.”

FAREWELL TO THE REVOLUTION More than three decades after the 1956 Hungarian revolt, a huge crowd gathered in Budapest’s Heroes Square to pay tribute to their former leader, Imre Nagy, who was at last given a patriot’s burial. Nagy, who was hanged as a traitor to communism, and four of his associates had been buried in unmarked graves. But last November, after months of pressure, Karoly Grosz, Hungary’s current leader, agreed to the reburial. The Victims

Imre Nagy: Premier from 1953-55, he initiated the first reform program in Hungary. Was sentenced to death at show trial and executed June 16, 1958.

Pal Maleter: Part of military high command before becoming Nagy’s defense minister. Executed with Nagy.

Miklos Gimes: Began a newspaper called “Hungarian Freedom” one week after the October uprising began. Executed with Nagy.

Geza Losonczy: Was minister of state in Nagy’s Cabinet. Died in prison in 1957.

Jozsef Szilagyi: Chief police commissioner of Hungary. Was among Nagy’s closest friends. Served as head of the Secretariat. Executed in April, 1958.


ExecutedToday.com

Fifty years ago today, the onetime Hungarian Prime Minister and three others associated with the country’s shattered 1956 revolution were hanged in Budapest for treason by the Soviet-backed Hungarian government.

A moderate Communist, Imre Nagy assumed leadership of Hungary from 1953 to 1955, a period of ideological thawing after the death of Joseph Stalin.

Nagy charted a “new course” towards Austrian-style neutrality or Yugoslavian-style “national Communism” not yoked to Moscow, opposed domestically by his predecessor and rival Matyas Rakosi, who eventually ousted the reform-minded minister.

But Nagy’s anti-Soviet credentials saw him elevated back to the office by popular acclamation during the 1956 Hungarian Revolution — an interval of the nation’s history still deeply cherished in Hungary today. Here’s a recollection by newsreel montage to the strains of Beethoven’s salute to the national martyrs of another time and place.

Nagy held the office for only ten days before Soviet intervention crushed the revolution. He issued this radio appeal to the world (in Hungarian, followed by the English version at about 0:34) on November 4, 1956:

It was an appeal against all geopolitical realities Hungary was the Soviet Union’s sphere, and western counter-intervention could have precipitated World War III. Verbal outrage abounded, of course:

But Khrushchev gibed that the United States had “supported” the revolution “in the nature of the support that the rope gives to a hanged man.”

For all that, the abortive revolution has won the benediction of history: still venerated in Hungary, and arguably a turning point in the postwar world when the Soviet Union set itself unmistakably and, eventually, fatally against the legitimate aspirations of its subjects.

Less the leader of this stirring movement than carried along by it, Nagy nevertheless embraced the revolution fully.

His government hardly had the opportunity to implement any sort of programme, but it gestured towards multiparty parliamentary democracy. Nagy attempted to withdraw Hungary from the Warsaw Pact. And to the fame of his memory, he refused Soviet blandishments after his capture to recant and accede publicly to the new Hungarian government.

For these principles, Nagy, his defense minister Pal Maleter, and revolutionary officials Miklos Gimes and Jozsef Szilagyi underwent a weeklong trial June 9 to 15, culminating in execution on this date — all strictly hush-hush, and not announced until the bodies were cold.

Though secret, the trial was tape-recorded in its entirety. This past week, to coincide with the anniversary of the affair, the full 52 hours of audio were publicly aired for the first time — over the same June 9-15 span, and at the location of the original trial. The recordings are held by the Open Society Archives, which maintains a wealth of information on the 1956 revolution (such as, topically, this ‘death circular’ issued by anti-Soviet Hungarians). Formerly held under lock and key, the audio files are not yet published for public distribution at this point, but one would expect that it’s only a matter of time.

Nagy and his companions were officially rehabilitated and, on this date in 1989, reburied with honors tens of thousands turned out to pay respects that had been officially prohibited for 33 years. In this chaotic period as Soviet domination of eastern Europe crumbled, their fellow-traveler Bela Kiraly (who gives a fascinating account from the inside of the Revolution in this 1996 interview) returned from exile for the reinternment ceremony and found that he was technically still under the sentence of death he had received in absentia at Nagy’s trial.


Tartalomjegyzék

Unitárius hitre tért zsidó származású családba született. Szülei pszichiáterek voltak, anyja Gimesné Hajdú Lili pszichiátriai intézetet vezetett. Budapesten érettségizett, majd Szegedre járt orvostudományi karra, de a tanulmányait nem fejezte be, helyette kisvállalatot alapított (Auróra néven).

1942-ben került kapcsolatba az illegális kommunista mozgalommal. Munkaszolgálatra hívták be, de 1944 nyarán megszökött egy erdélyi táborból és a jugoszláv partizánokhoz menekült. Budapestre visszatérve 1945-ben előbb egy ifjúsági lapnál dolgozott, aztán a kommunista párt napilapja, a Szabad Nép újságírója lett. A mozgalomban ismerkedett meg kedvesével, Halda Alízzal. [2]

Révész Sándor monográfiája romantikus embernek mutatja be, aki hatalmi helyzetbe kerülve főnökéhez, Révai Józsefhez hasonlóan gorombán kioktató félelmetes funkcionárius, akinek kommunista hite azonban a cseh kommunista Rudolf Slánský 1952-es, kivégzéséhez vezető koncepciós perét követően megrendül és kételyei a moszkvai orvosper következtében tovább erősödnek.

1954-ben Zürichben, Bécsben és Párizsban volt tudósító, távollétében a Magyar Nemzethez helyzeték át. Erről az útjáról Révész szerint azzal a tapasztalattal tért vissza, hogy nyugaton az életszínvonal magasabb, mint azt itthon lefestették, ráadásul a proletárdiktatúra a nyugati államokhoz képest semmibe veszi a politikai szabadságot. Miután 1955 májusában a Lapkiadó Vállalat gyűlésén Rajk László rehabilitálását követelte, kizárták a Magyar Dolgozók Pártjából (MDP). Ezután a Corvina Könyvkiadó fordítója lett.

1956-ban Szerkesztés

Gimes Miklós 1956-ban már Nagy Imre körének egyik legradikálisabb tagja. Az év nyarán visszavették az MDP-be.

Egykori felesége visszaemlékezése szerint 1956. október 23-án, amikor Nagy Imre visszatért Badacsonyból, miközben tetőfokára hágott a forradalmi hangulat, Gimes és más barátai megpróbálták rábeszélni Nagy Imrét, hogy vegyen részt a délutánra meghirdetett tüntetésben, hiszen a kormány élére való kerülése általános követeléssé vált, és így szabhatna medert az eseményeknek. Nagy Imre azonban a társaság nagy csalódására hallani sem akart erről, arra hivatkozva, hogy Mező Imre tíz nappal korábban figyelmeztette: Gerő Ernő provokációra készül ellene és szándékosan hagyja az eseményeket eljutni egy felkelésig, hogy aztán egyszerre csaphasson le az egész belső pártellenzékre. [3]

A forradalom napjaiban általa alapított Magyar Szabadság című lap szerkesztője Kende Péterrel, Kornai Jánossal, Lőcsei Pállal együtt. „Lapunk azért is küzd, hogy a független Magyarország – demokratikus Magyarország legyen. A nemzeti demokratikus forradalomnak s természetesen a Magyar Szabadságnak is teljes elvi szilárdsággal kell harcolnia a Rákosi–Gerő-klikk-féle politika minden maradványa ellen és az ellenforradalom minden jelentkezésével szemben" – írta Gimes a lapban, október 30-án.

A november 4-ei szovjet beözönlés után sem ismerte el Kádár János kormányát, sztrájkokat szervezett ellene, Október Huszonhatodika címmel illegális újságot adott ki, és megalapította a Magyar Demokratikus Függetlenségi Mozgalmat. December 5-én letartóztatták, és a Nagy Imre-per harmadrendű vádlottja lett. A Legfelsőbb Bíróság Vida Ferenc vezette Népbírósági Tanácsa 1958. június 15-én ítélte jogerősen kötél általi halálra, szervezkedés kezdeményezése és vezetése vádjával. Az ítéletet másnap hajnalban, a Kozma utca 13. szám alatti gyűjtőfogház udvarán hajtották végre.

Elítélése előtt azt tervezte: ha túléli a megtorlást, kétgenerációs nagyregényt ír fél magyar évszázadról, a polgári radikális szülőkről és forradalmi radikális gyermekeikről.

Hatéves fiát és volt feleségét a szovjet támadáskor külföldre küldte, ők Bécsben értesültek Gimes Miklós fogságba kerüléséről, később Svájcban telepedtek le.

Rainer M. János a saját maga felállította kategóriákban az 1956-os reformkommunistákkal szemben a reformszocialistákhoz sorolja Gimes Miklóst, akik már csak viszonyítási pontnak és nem kötelező útnak tekintették a sztálini pártegyeduralmi modellt, szinte egyedüliként már hónapokkal a forradalom előtt is. „Gimes Miklós… számos teljes mértékben egybevágó visszaemlékezés szerint 1956 tavaszán komolyan számot vetett, sőt szorgalmazta a valódi többpártrendszer bevezetését, vagy azt, hogy a pártellenzék ebben és csak ebben gondolkozzon" – írta Rainer. [4]


Background

Hungary became a communist state under the severely authoritarian leadership of Mátyás Rákosi. Under Rákosi’s reign, the Security Police (ÁVH) began a series of purges, first within the Communist Party to end opposition to Rákosi’s reign. The victims were labeled as “Titoists,” “western agents,” or “Trotskyists” for as insignificant a crime as spending time in the West to participate in the Spanish Civil War. In total, about half of all the middle and lower level party officials—at least 7,000 people—were purged.

From 1950 to 1952, the Security Police forcibly relocated thousands of people to obtain property and housing for the Working People’s Party members and to remove the threat of the intellectual and “bourgeois” class. Thousands were arrested, tortured, tried, and imprisoned in concentration camps, deported to the east, or executed, including ÁVH founder László Rajk. In a single year, more than 26,000 people were forcibly relocated from Budapest. As a consequence, jobs and housing were very difficult to obtain. The deportees generally experienced terrible living conditions and were interned as slave labor on collective farms. Many died as a result of poor living conditions and malnutrition.

The Rákosi government thoroughly politicized Hungary’s educational system to supplant the educated classes with a “toiling intelligentsia.” Russian language study and Communist political instruction were made mandatory in schools and universities nationwide. Religious schools were nationalized and church leaders were replaced by those loyal to the government. In 1949 the leader of the Hungarian Catholic Church, Cardinal József Mindszenty, was arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment for treason. Under Rákosi, Hungary’s government was among the most repressive in Europe.


Miklós Gime's parents were doctors and in 1919 were active supporters of the Hungarian Soviet Republic . The father Miklós Gimes was deported by the fascist Arrow Crossers in 1944 and died of typhus in Leitmeritz .

Miklós, his sister Juca and his mother Lilly Hajdu survived the Hungarian Holocaust thanks to a Swedish protection pass from Raoul Wallenberg . After the liberation of Hungary, they joined the Communist Party, which was transformed into the Party of the Hungarian Working People in 1949 . Gimes became editor of the newspaper "Szabad Nép". When Gimes journalistically and politically opposed the spread of Freud's teaching in Hungary in 1948 , he also opposed his father, who was training to be a psychoanalyst at the time, and his mother, who practiced as a psychoanalyst, who worked at the “State Institute for Neurology and Psychiatry “( Lipótmezö, 2nd District Budapest ) and was also elected to the board of the Hungarian Psychoanalytic Association. In February 1949 she had to dissolve it "voluntarily". In 1950, Gimes incurred the helpless wrath of Georg Lukács when he led a journalistic smear campaign against him.

Gimes was one of those who broke away from the Stalinist party discipline and in 1955 demanded the posthumous rehabilitation of László Rajk , which is why he was expelled from the communist party. In 1956 he was a supporter of Imre Nagy and published the newspaper “Magyar Szabadság” during the Hungarian uprising. After the crackdown, he was arrested on December 5, 1956. Together with Nagy and Pál Maléter he was in 1958 for treason sentenced to death and at the Budapest prison by the train executed. Gimes' wife Luci (1921–2008) with their seven-year-old son Miklós and the sister's family managed to escape to Switzerland. Lilly Hajdu lost her job in the clinic in 1957, and when she was repeatedly refused a visa for Switzerland, she committed suicide in 1960 .

At the beginning of the political change in Hungary in 1989, Gimes' grave and four other victims were reburied with the participation of several hundred thousand people. On October 6, 1989, the death sentence was overturned by a Hungarian court.

The son Miklos Gimes made a film for Swiss television in 2002 about his grandmother Lilly Hajdu-Gimes mother . In 2008, the politician Alíz Halda (1928–2008), with whom Gimes was friends, also died.


Background

Hungary became a communist state under the severely authoritarian leadership of Mátyás Rákosi. Under Rákosi’s reign, the Security Police (ÁVH) began a series of purges, first within the Communist Party to end opposition to Rákosi’s reign. The victims were labeled as “Titoists,” “western agents,” or “Trotskyists” for as insignificant a crime as spending time in the West to participate in the Spanish Civil War. In total, about half of all the middle and lower level party officials—at least 7,000 people—were purged.

From 1950 to 1952, the Security Police forcibly relocated thousands of people to obtain property and housing for the Working People’s Party members and to remove the threat of the intellectual and “bourgeois” class. Thousands were arrested, tortured, tried, and imprisoned in concentration camps, deported to the east, or executed, including ÁVH founder László Rajk. In a single year, more than 26,000 people were forcibly relocated from Budapest. As a consequence, jobs and housing were very difficult to obtain. The deportees generally experienced terrible living conditions and were interned as slave labor on collective farms. Many died as a result of poor living conditions and malnutrition.

The Rákosi government thoroughly politicized Hungary’s educational system to supplant the educated classes with a “toiling intelligentsia.” Russian language study and Communist political instruction were made mandatory in schools and universities nationwide. Religious schools were nationalized and church leaders were replaced by those loyal to the government. In 1949 the leader of the Hungarian Catholic Church, Cardinal József Mindszenty, was arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment for treason. Under Rákosi, Hungary’s government was among the most repressive in Europe.


Arcok 1956-ból - Gimes Miklós

Új műsor indult reggelenként az InfoRádióban. A három-négyperces összeállításokban minden hétköznap egy-egy '56 után-miatt halálraítélt forradalmár alakját mutatjuk be. Összesen 56 portré készül a Nemzeti Emlékezet Bizottságával együttműködésben.

Gimes Miklós

Gimes Miklósújságíró (1917–1958) 1958. 06. 16.

Az ellenforradalmárok pontosan tudják, hogy mit cselekszenek. De nehéz feltételezni az ellenforradalmárok kezére játszó, olyan eszüket vesztett uszítókról is, mint Gimes Miklós, Sándor András és más, hozzájuk hasonló személyekről, hogy ne tudnák, mit cselekszenek? Ők tudatosan az ellenforradalom szekerét tolják, s ezért ne sértődjenek meg, ha mi kénytelenek vagyunk ennek megfelelően eljárni velük szemben”.

Így beszélt Kádár János 1956. november 26-i rádióbeszédében. E gondolatok nem csak arra világítanak rá, hogy a Forradalmi Munkás-Paraszt Kormány tisztában volt Gimes Miklósnak a szellemi ellenállásban betöltött szerepével, hanem egyúttal utalás arra is, hogy milyen sorsot szánt a megtorlás a Nagy Imre-kör egyik vezéralakjának.

Gimes Miklós 1917-ben született Budapesten, értelmiségi családban. Orvosi tanulmányait nem fejezte be. 1944-ben megszökött a zsidó munkaszolgálatból. A háború után belépett a kommunista pártba, és a Szabad Nép című lapnál helyezkedett el újságíróként. Nagy Imre reformpolitikáját támogatta, és amikor őt 1955-ben megfosztották tisztségeitől, Gimest áthelyezték a Magyar Nemzethez. Ebben az évben a pártból is kizárták, mert a törvénysértő perek – többek között a Rajk László elleni eljárás – felülvizsgálatát követelte.

A forradalom kitörésekor visszatért a Szabad Nép szerkesztőségébe. Október 30-án Kende Péterrel és Lőcsei Pállal napilapot alapított Magyar Szabadság címmel, amelynek első vezércikkében leszögezte: „Demokráciára van szükségünk olyan államrendszerre, ahol a törvény a legteljesebb pártatlansággal védi vagy sújtja az állampolgárokat, ahol a legteljesebben megvalósulnak a népjogok, a szólás, a sajtó, a vallás, a gyülekezés, a szervezkedés szabadsága, a munkához és a tanuláshoz való jog, ahol a törvény szabta keretek között a lehető legteljesebben érvényesül a népakarat, ahol a kisebbség aláveti magát a többség akaratának, s a többség feltétlen tiszteletben tartja a kisebbség elidegeníthetetlen jogait.” A november 4-i szovjet támadás és a szabadságharc leverése után a szellemi ellenállás egyik vezéralakja lett. Röplapokon hirdette a Nagy Imre-kormány legitimitását, például november 8-án ezekkel a szavakkal: „Magyarok! Nagy Imre él és biztonságban van. Az oroszoknak nem sikerült a törvényes kormány vezetőit letartóztatni. Kádárnak és cinkosainak semmiféle törvényes joguk nincs arra, hogy magukat magyar kormánynak nevezzék!” Hasonló szellemben szólalt fel a Magyar Újságírók Országos Szövetsége november 13-i gyűlésén és a műegyetem egyik kollégiumi összejövetelén is. Magyar Demokratikus Függetlenségi Mozgalom néven többekkel illegális szervezetet alapított, amely a tervek szerint összefogta volna a november 1-jei, a rend fenntartását elfogadó szervezeteket. A mozgalom lapja, az Október Huszonharmadika leközölte Magyar újjászületés tízparancsolata címen ismert röplapjukat, amely egyrészt kijelentette a Nagy Imre-kormány legitimitását, másrészt megfogalmazta a követeléseiket: azonnali teljes tűzszünet, tárgyalások megkezdése a szovjet csapatkivonásokról, az ország semlegességének elismerése, a letartóztatottak szabadon engedése, többpártrendszer, a kormány együttműködése a forradalmi bizottságokkal és a munkástanácsokkal. A Gimes letartóztatásáig négy számot megélt újság elsősorban a passzív ellenállást hirdette, sztrájkra, tüntetésre szólított fel. Gimes Miklós halálos ítéletének indoklásában a bíróság „minősíthetetlen hangú, nívótlan, gyalázkodó cikkek gyűjteménye”-ként interpretálta a lapot, mint amely „még ennek a szervezkedésnek a történetében is példátlan.”

Gimes Miklóst 1956. december 5-én letartóztatták. A Nagy Imre-per harmadrendű vádlottjaként szervezkedés kezdeményezése és vezetése vádjával a Legfelsőbb Bíróság Népbírósági Tanácsa Vida Ferenc elnökletével halálra ítélte a fellebbezés lehetősége nélkül. 1958. június 16-án végezték ki Nagy Imrével és Maléter Pállal együtt. Holttestüket – hogy elkerüljék sírjuk kegyhellyé válását – előbb a Kozma utcai börtön udvarán temették el, majd 1961-ben átszállították a rákoskeresztúri Új köztemető 301-es parcellájába, ahol Gimes Miklóst Maléter Pállal közös sírba temették – Naszladi Péter álnéven. 1989. június 9-én a Legfelsőbb Bíróság Elnökségi Tanácsa a Nagy Imre és társai ügy ítéleteit hatályon kívül helyezte, és az elítélteket felmentette.


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Miklos Gimes - History

Permalink: https://goo.gl/4LDK9u

25 years ago today a quarter of a million people attended a ceremony in Heroes Square preceding the reburial of Imre Nagy and other executed 1956 leaders.

Today marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the ceremonial reburial of Imre Nagy and four other government officials secretly executed after the 1956 uprising was brutally put down by Soviet tanks. An empty sixth coffin symbolically represented the over 2,500 Hungarians killed between October 23 and November 10, 1956, and those subsequently executed or murdered by Soviet troops or Hungarian security forces.

The ceremony, which took place at Budapest’s Heroes’ Square, was attended by an estimated quarter of a million people, including 25-year-old future prime minister Viktor Orban, who, speaking on behalf of Hungary’s youth, called on Soviet troops to leave the country. Calling communism and democracy “incompatible”, he denounced the Soviet invasion of 1956 in uncharacteristically forthright terms. “The bankrupt burden on our shoulders is the direct consequence of the bloody strangulation of our revolution, and the forcing us back into the dead-end Asian street, from which we are trying once again to escape,” Orban told the crowd before denouncing the country’s leaders for claiming to embrace the reforms of the man they condemned to death, and for standing aside the coffin of the man about whom they had lied for the previous 30 years.

Today, 33 years after the Hungarian revolution and 31 years after the execution of the last responsible Hungarian leader, we have a chance to achieve in a peaceful way all that was obtained through bloody fighting for the nation, if only for a few days. If we believe in our own strength, then we are capable of bringing an end to the communist dictatorship. And if we are determined enough we can force the ruling party to subject itself to free elections. And if we do not lose sight of the 1956 principles, we can choose a forum to begin immediate negotiations for the withdrawal of Soviet troops. If we are sufficiently resolute, then, and only then, can we fulfill the will of the revolution. Nobody should believe that the official state party will reform itself on its own.

The ceremonial reburial took place just three months after the formation on 22 March 1989 of the so-called “Opposition Round Table”, which had as its goal Hungary’s peaceful political transition from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy.

Three weeks later then-Hungarian foreign minister Gyula Horn and his Austrian counterpart, Alois Mock, presided over the dismantling of the barbed-wire fence and minefields separating Hungary from its western neighbor in what heralded the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The ceremonial reburial of Imre Nagy was prepared by the Committee for Historical Truth (TIB) and took place over objections voiced by the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers Party (MSZMP). Established in the spring of 1988, the committee soon called for Nagy, five direct associates and 34 other individuals condemned to death to be rehabilitated and reburied. In November the committee had called on the victims’ descendants to demand the victims’ remains be exhumed from parcel 301 of the New Public Cemetery in Rakoskeresztur. It later turned out that the bodies of Nagy, Pal Maleter, Miklos Gimes, Geza Losonczy and Jozsef Szilagyi had been wrapped in tar paper and buried face down.

In January 1989 the government formally decided that it was up to the family members of the deceased to decide whether they would like to organize a public burial. The date of the funeral was formally set by the committee and the Ministry of Justice on 14 February. Only two weeks earlier state minister Imre Pozsgay had referred to the 1956 uprising as “an uprising against oligarchy and authoritarianism insulting to the nation” rather than a “counter-revolution”.

The ceremony was broadcast on television and radio. Former political prisoner and future president Arpad Goncz addressed the crowd, as did Imre Mech on behalf of the revolutionary youth of 1956, and Viktor Orban on behalf of the New Generation political movement. Representing the government was minister Pozsgay, parliamentary president Matyas Szuros, prime minister Miklos Nemeth and deputy prime minister Peter Medgyessy (who would later serve as finance minister under the first Socialist administration of Gyula Horn (1994-1998) and eventually as prime minister (2002-2004)).

Three weeks after the reburial – on the same day Nagy’s persecutor and successor Janos Kadar died – the Hungarian Supreme Court formally annulled the sentences on the grounds that “no crime had been committed”.

A variety of official events is scheduled to take place around the country, culminating in a concert in Heroes Square featuring Hungarian rock group Omega and German rock group Scorpions, on which the government is spending a reported HUF 300 million (USD 1.3 million).

In a recent interview given to German newspaper Bild, when asked whether the speech he delivered 25 years ago today was the most important of his life, Viktor Orban replied he had no idea the ceremony would mean to Nagy’s family and all of Hungary that “finally, in a manner appropriate to Hungary’s culture, we achieved grace from the symbolic form of the 1956 revolution against the Soviet invaders”.

Orban told Bild that he was not afraid when he called on Soviet troops to leave Hungary.

Finally I wanted to say when nobody dared to. Not because I was the bravest, or the smartest, but because I was the youngest. Who is young thinks radically and breaks taboos. I simply wanted to tell the truth.

When asked how they thought the Soviet Union would respond, Orban acknowledged it was not possible to know at the time. “If necessary for our freedom we were prepared to defend until our last breath. There was no way back for us.”

Orban told Bild that the reunification of Germany was the moment he knew that the revolution had succeeded.

With regard to the generous and forgiving manner in which the Hungarians bade farewell to the communists, Orban said this was “a painful point in our history” since nowhere did the fight against communism last as long as in Hungary, as a result of which much power survived the turn of events. “I have to acknowledge that our opponents were talented when it came to retaining power. They were fighters. It took 20 years of my life until we finally defeated them,” said the 50-year-old prime minister, referring to Fidesz’s decisive defeat of the Hungarian Socialist Party in 2010.


Watch the video: Miklos Fehér Relato RR (August 2022).